rsk inhibitor Fourth the contextual features we examined app
Fourth, the contextual features we examined appear to have unique and pernicious consequences for women. While differences between states in the personal characteristics of women and men contributed to state variation in mortality to a similar degree, the contextual features explained more than twice the variation in women\'s mortality than men\'s mortality. We also found that the specific contextual features that matter most differed between men and women. The states’ social rsk inhibitor and economic environment were especially important contributors to mortality inequalities among women, whereas the tobacco environment was most important for men. These findings corroborate extant studies that find social structural factors play a larger role in shaping women\'s than men\'s health, while behavioral factors are crucial for men\'s health (e.g., (Denton & Walters, 1999). They also make sense given that many state policies are inherently more relevant for women. For example, state policies that shape access to health care, prenatal care, affordable housing, children\'s health care, subsidized school lunches, family leave, and financial safety nets are especially important for women given that they are more likely than men to be socioeconomically-disadvantaged, raising children, caring for aging parents, interfacing with the health care system, and employed in unstable and low-paying jobs. Our finding that state contexts appear to be relatively more important for women than men is consistent with several studies examining gender differences in contextual effects on health (e.g., Robert & Reither, 2004; Stafford et al., 2005).
One interpretation of our findings is that raising social cohesion may be a promising way to lower mortality rates and inequalities, particularly among women. This idea is not far-fetched. In recent decades, Canada and Australia have launched efforts to enhance social cohesion. Raising cohesion may require coordinated efforts at state and local levels. It may require multiple strategies, such as lowering unemployment and income inequality (although debate persists about the causal influence of income inequality on health and mortality (Pickett & Wilkinson, 2015)), reducing commute times, and building safe public spaces. In addition, expanding opportunities for individuals to acquire personal resources, such as education, may be needed. Furthermore, because individuals and contexts can shape each other, strategies that focus on both states and individuals may be most effective. As others have noted (Macintyre et al., 2002), while focusing exclusively on one “level” may be sufficient in certain situations, most evidence suggests red algae is counter-productive.
Acknowledgments This study was funded in part by the Fund for the Advancement of the Discipline Award supported by the American Sociological Association and the National Science Foundation (PI: Jennifer Karas Montez); grants R24AG045061 (PI: James P. House) and 1 R01 AG040248-02 (PI: Lisa F. Berkman) from the National Institute on Aging; and grant 5 R24 HD042849 (PI: Mark D. Hayward) awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. The authors thank three anonymous reviewers for their helpful and insightful comments.
Introduction Work-related physical assaults or violence such as kicking, hitting or pushing has severely impacted on the safety in the work environment and employees’ health. In European countries, it was reported that an average of 1.9% of workers had experienced physical violence at the workplace (Parent-Thirion, Fernández Macías, Hurley, & Vermeylen, 2007). Work-related physical assaults and threats are associated with poor mental health (Hogh, Sharipova, & Borg, 2008) such as depression (Wieclaw et al., 2006), depressive and anxiety disorders (Virtanen et al., 2008), fatigue (Hogh, Borg, & Mikkelsen, 2003) and burnout (Couto & Lawoko, 2011).